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  Dr. Israel Eldad

Principles for a Hebrew Liberation Movement
by Dr. Eldad

Transcripts of Dr. Israel Eldad on IDF Radio

Excerpts from Dr. Israel Eldad's Op-Ed Column

Collection from Zote Ha'aretz
by Dr. Eldad

Memorial for Fighters for the Freedom of Israel
by Dr. Eldad

What We Need Is A King
by Dr. Eldad


You Should Be Ashamed!
by Dr. Eldad

Jabotinsky Distorted
by Dr. Eldad

The Fifth of Iyar
by Dr. Eldad


Temple Mount in Ruins
by Dr. Eldad

Jerusalem: The City of Faith
by Dr. Eldad

The Challenge of Jerusalem
by Dr. Eldad

Between Giving the Torah and Receiving It
by Dr. Eldad

The Jewish Defense League of Shushan Habira
by Dr. Eldad

An Open and Distressed Letter to Menachem Begin
by Dr. Eldad

Elnakam: Story of a Fighter for the Freedom of Israel
by Dr. Eldad

The Israel Restraint Forces
by Dr. Eldad

The Real-Politik of Our Sages
by Dr. Eldad

Jerusalem: A Burning Issue Trial of Faith
by Dr. Eldad

A New Type of Jew
by Dr. Eldad

Foundation Stones
by Dr. Eldad

Dr. Eldad & the Supreme Court of Israel
Selected Judgments

Biography: Dr. Israel Eldad
by Chaim Yerushalmi


BIBLICAL COMMENTARIES
    Foundation Stones
by Dr. Israel Eldad

From the first edition of Hazit [The Front], the publication the LEHI issued in 1942.

Eldad . . . . Zionism was totally committed to the solution of the Jewish problem: None other than a Jewish state in Palestine. But, from messianic longings for the sovereignty of King David’s dynasty it has deteriorated into a refugee problem, the plight of the destitute seeking shelter in Palestine. As Jabotinsky characteristically put it, not mincing his words, what they sought now was “an orphanage.” But it is a fact that “refugees are given huts where it is most convenient for the giver.” Therefore, “the formulation of the Zionist goal must give expression to the simple, positive aspiration of the nation: the rebirth of Israeli sovereignty. Solving the Jewish problem, anti Semitism, emigration, - all these are but one-sided issues which can be contribute to the basic solution.”

The Hebrew freedom movement does not aspire to sovereignty for by its own will it is already sovereign. Just as the Greek is in Greece and the Indian is in India - in spite of the temporary occupation by foreigners. We aspire to and struggle for sovereignty - be there anti-Semitism or not, problems or not, refugees or not.

We do not hesitate to affirm that our existence is a sufficient expression of the sovereign aspiration of the vital freedom movement which is not planning for another exodus from Egypt but a David like conquest. Just as France will not be judges by the millions who capitulated but by the few who fought, so will the rejuvenation of Israel be judged by us - the founders of Hebrew liberation.

[The Land of Israel] is our even without the Jewish Legion, without the NILI, without the Balfour Declaration or the Mandate. The Fighters for the Freedom of Israel are, first and foremost, liberators of the Land of the Jews from foreign rulers. We do not recognize the Mandate, nor do we seek better patrons. The meticulous fulfillment of the British Mandate is of no interest to us.

The more pride we took in our achievements in [The Land of Israel], the greater was the antagonism against us, for the last thing the British wanted was our growth.

The following are the new tenets, ways and means of the Freedom Movement:

First - all the world must realize that we have no desire to appear as petitioners before it, begging for a solution of the “refugee problem.” We must put a stop immediately to all our importunings and the efforts made to enable us to appear before some international committee or other to air our arguments. On the contrary, our affairs should be handled in such a way as will force them to turn to us asking what we want. Better that they should discuss us in our absence than in our presence. Better that we should be considered “Aggressors” than “Victims.” Instead of committing suicide as a protest, let others die in our battle.

The Zionist movement has until now, recognized the rights of England. Those who limit their struggle to the confines of “The White Paper,” admit, in so doing, to England’s right of mastery here. A struggle against a specific law is a tacit admission of the right, in principle, of the lawgiver to legislate. It implies a desire for a better law. We deny England this right of legislation for we regard it as an occupying power against which actual war must be waged.

There are those who agree with all this but regard it as fantastic. To these I say: it is fantastic to think that new settlements are helpful. It is fantastic to believe that the gentiles can be convinced by arguments of justice and reason. It is realistic to regard settlements and congresses as important in the rear guard action.